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| Why Social Conservatism is not Mainstream in Canada |
| 07.24.04 (1:33 pm) [edit] |
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Throughout the Federal election campaign (Canada) I frequently came across the following argument. Given the strong support for social conservatism countrywide, (e.g., on abortion and gay marriage), it is wrong to paint social conservatives as being outside the mainstream. The argument is superficially convincing.
The problem with it is this. What is “mainstream” is not determined solely by, indeed not even primarily by, popular opinion. In order for a position to be considered “mainstream” it has to have a certain amount of intellectual currency and that is precisely what many social conservative arguments do not have. This is particularly true with respect to gay marriage. Indeed, it is silly enough for social conservatives in the States to argue that the institution of marriage will collapse if people are able to marry someone of the same sex, but it is darn right ludicrous to say, as some social cons in Canada do, that the institution would be damaged if a married homosexual couple was actually allowed to say they were married. Social conservative objections to homosexuality are on even shaker ground. Arguments to the effect that homosexuality is wrong because it is “unnatural” or wrong because god says so are not well received, to say the least, in ethics classes throughout the Western world; there the focus is on what is harmful and that is precisely what consensual homosexual relationships are not.
Marijuana is another area where social conservatives tend to fall down. It is outrageous to say, as many social conservative do, that marijuana is somehow in the same league as “hard” drugs and that it serves as a “gateway” drug. The simple fact of the matter is that marijuana is less socially harmful then alcohol and is not physically addictive. As the special senate committee spelled out, marijuana’s illegal status is socially corrosive. “Marijuana is not illegal because it is dangerous; it is dangerous because it is illegal.” Its illegal status, for one, serves as a gateway to harder drugs by helping introduce people, interested in procuring it, to a wider underground.
Things are a little different when it comes to the issue of capital punishment. Philosophically there is nothing wrong with being a proponent of capital punishment in principle. Many Western intellectual giants favored the idea (e.g., Kant, Hegel, Locke). What undermines the credibility of many social conservatives is their support for the US system of imposing capital punishment-- which by anyone’s reckoning is wretched failure. Relatedly, many social cons have failed to recognize that there is little or no evidence that the death penalty serves as a deterrent and more importantly have failed to grasp the serious nature of many process concerns, most notably how to stave off the possibility of killing an innocent person.
In the face of scientific advancement, the “pro choice” movement has had a difficult time drawing a sharp line between when a fetus becomes a person and this has given the "pro life" movement some leverage. However, the issue is complex and there is by no means confined to a single premise in a small three part argument. Both sides are guilty of ignoring the complexity of the issue and of passing off arguments that beg the question. Moreover, in the case of socially conservative pro lifers, many fail to appreciate the practical consequences of banning abortion (e.g., the prevalence of back room abortions in countries without abortion services) and this further under cuts their credibility.
Although, I did not hear it mentioned in the confines of the recent election, social conservatives in the States are rightly and frequently ridiculed for their stands they take with regard to sex education and the teaching of evolution.
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| Vancouver Sun Columnist: |
| 07.23.04 (12:27 am) [edit] |
Inadvertently or not, the Vancouver Sun has continually run stories and columns that have painted Harper as a moderate. This is the latest from columnist Barbara Yaffe (June 22, 2004 unfortunately you need a subscription.) “An Alberta-based Christian group keen to become more involved in the political process could be the helpers-from-hell for the Conservative party. At a time when Conservatives are hoping to foster a more mainstream image, Concerned Christian Canada Inc. is preparing to step up efforts to make its influence on the national scene. … The prime goal of the group, with 400 members is ‘to insure (sic) that the new Conservative party does not become another mushy middle Liberal party.’ …. His group [( the leader Craig Chandler)] wants action that will strengthen the family, end taxpayer supported abortion and lower taxes for families. Predictably, the group opposes gay marriage and gay adoption as well as Bill C-250 aimed at protecting gays from hate crimes. This has to be the worst news the party has received since MP Randy White’s outrageous diatribe against the courts surfaced before the June 28 election.”
Yaffe may want the Conservatives to foster a more mainstream image and maybe even to become more mainstream, but as Bentham said about “natural rights”, hunger is not bread. Conveniently for Yaffe and the rest of the media though, so long as the Conservative Party supposedly strives to present a more moderate image, the more newsworthy the comments of Conservative’s such as Randy White’s become. Indeed, without the move to the center narrative in place comments such as White’s could be dismissed as more of the same rather than an as MP breaking ranks, in other words news. On the flip side of things, with such a narrative in place, old sins become less relevant. After all, as far as the media is concerned, it is no use Harping on past sins when the guilty parties have implicitly acknowledged their guilt by explicitly trying to Reform.
The Conservatives, of course, oppose Bill C-250 and least two Conservative MPs (Gallant and justice critic Vic Toews) have said that its passing would open the doors to the Bible being banned! Good humor. In all, only 2 Conservative MPs voted for Bill C-250, former torries Peter MacKay, Gerald Keddy. It goes without saying that the CCC and the Conservatives are of like mind when it comes to tax cuts. The same goes for gay marriage. Not one Conservative MP voted in favor of gay marriage. (4 PC MPs did but they did not join the new party.)
The abortion issue is a little trickier. While many Conservatives MPs favor banning abortion, Harper seems to have settled on saying he would not table legislation, but if a private member’s bill came before the house he would allow MPs to vote as they saw fit. (At one point earlier in the campaign, he had said that as a health issue the provinces should be able to decide. However, he said nothing about the subject again and his suggestion for having free votes on private members bills speaks against it.) Needless to say, this is not the type of bellicose rhetoric that warms of the hearts of CCC members.
As for the adoption issue, I do not have enough information to make a comparison. May those in the know share their knowledge.
All in all, Harper and the CCC are of like minds when it comes to the direction they think the Conservative Party should take. How do I know? Harper has said so repeatedly, but no more eloquently or completely than in June 2003 edition of Report Magazine. (Yaffe would do well to notice that a Christian group reprinted the article.)
http://www.ccicinc.org/politicalaffairs/0601 03.html" title="http://www.ccicinc.org/politicalaffairs/0601 03.html" target="_blank"http://www.ccicinc.org/politi...
On December 12 2000 Harper said the following. "Much about the Canadian Alliance is worthy of support, and a large number of Canadians do support it. But the CA will be under considerable pressure to rid itself of any tinge of a Western agenda or Alberta control. This we must fight. If the Alliance is ever to become a party that could be lead by a Paul Martin or a Joe Clark, it must do so without us. We don't need a second Liberal party." He began Rediscovering The Right Agenda by echoing those thoughts. “The Canadian Alliance wrapped up its leadership race a little over one year ago. At the time, the chattering classes told us the race was about the so-called "unity" issue - the question of whether we should have one "conservative" party or two. But I asked the 100,000-plus members of our party a different question: do we actually stand for something, or don't we? I posed this question because what Alliance members feared most was seeing our agenda slipping away. Simply put, our members worried less about having two so-called "conservative parties" than about having no conservative party at all. I believe the majority of members supported my leadership bid for approaching the debate in these terms.” Subsequently he goes on to describe why conservatives of all stripes should embrace social conservatism. As Harper describes it, economic Conservatism has hit something of a bottleneck. “serious conservative parties simply cannot shy away from values questions. On a wide range of public-policy questions, including foreign affairs and defence, criminal justice and corrections, family and child care, and healthcare and social services, social values are increasingly the really big issues.
Take taxation, for example. There are real limits to tax-cutting if conservatives cannot dispute anything about how or why a government actually does what it does. If conservatives accept all legislated social liberalism with balanced budgets and corporate grants - as do some in the business community - then there really are no differences between a conservative and a Paul Martin. …. The truth of the matter is that the real agenda and the defining issues have shifted from economic issues to social values, so conservatives must do the same. … This is not as difficult as it sounds. It does not require a radical redefinition of conservatism, but rather a shifting of the balance between the economic and social conservative sides that have always been there. … we need to rediscover Burkean or social conservatism because a growing body of evidence points to the damage the welfare state is having on our most important institutions, particularly the family.”
Where Harper differs from the CCC and others of their ilk is he wants to take a more gradual approach. “we must realize that real gains are inevitably incremental. This, in my experience, is harder for social conservatives than for economic conservatives. The explicitly moral orientation of social conservatives makes it difficult for many to accept the incremental approach. Yet, in democratic politics, any other approach will certainly fail. We should never accept the standard of just being ‘better than the Liberals’ - people who advocate that standard seldom achieve it - but conservatives should be satisfied if the agenda is moving in the right direction, even if slowly.”
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| The War President |
| 07.18.04 (9:20 pm) [edit] |
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Whatever one thinks about Bush administration’s Wilsonian/ neo-conservative idealism, one thing is certain. The Bushies have badly handled the “War on Terror”.
Troubles arose almost immediately. The administration did not take the Al Qaeda threat as serious as they should have and as a result failed to show leadership in mobilizing the country’s institutions against the terrorist threat and relatedly failed to establish the necessary governmental apparatus for responding to a major terrorist attack. Indeed, although George Tenet ran around most of the summer as if his “hair was on fire”, there were plans to roll back counter terrorism funding just before 911.
Things did not get better after 911. First there was the surreal debate about whether the US should strike Iraq right away instead of Afghanistan. Although, sanity did prevail, the whole debate reinforced just how seriously Bush, Cheney and Rumsfeld underestimated the Al Qaeda threat. Certainly, Rumsfeld comment that Afghanistan should not be attacked because it was not a “target rich” environment is certainly one for the ages and proves that despite all his talk about modern army he was still stuck in the Cold War.
The actual Afghanistan campaign, of course, was an unmediated disaster, which was made all the more intolerable by the meek and submissive tone the media took during the entire thing. Various newspapers (e.g., Washington Post, NY Times, and The Christian Science Monitor) did grasp immediate cause of why Tora Bora failed, but they did not go beyond that and hammer the Administration. The goal of the campaign should have been to kill and capture as many Taliban and Al Qaeda as possible. However, this was secondary in Rumsfeld’s mind to proving that a small force of US troops could topple a government whose army only had a few outdated tanks and airplanes. You see, in order for the pie in the sky doctrine of preemption to at least scare people, the political and economic cost of invading a country had to be sharply reduced or in Neo Con speak size of the size of the “footprint” did.
By the summer of 2002, it was clear that it was just a matter of when not if the US would attack Iraq. Initially things looked promising for the administration. Powell was able to convince Bush to go the UN route and Security Council resolution 1441 received unanimous approval. Thereafter things did not go nearly as well. The publication of Britain’s dodgy dossier, the appearance and Niger forgeries, Rumsfeld’s yammerings and the fact that the US made little effort to disguise the fact they were trying to buy the support of allies, such as Turkey, if not outright bullying them, all of this hurt the cause for war. The administration’s attempt to tie the Iraq War with the wider “War on Terror” was tenuous at best and was greeted with a great deal of skepticism in the international arena. The administration, of course, knew this. Hence, not only did Powell play down any supposed connection, but according to NBC the administration put the politics of war ahead of the national security. NBC alleges that a few months before the war, the administration had good idea that Zarqawi was in Northern Iraq in a region of Kurdistan controlled by Ansar al Islam. However, rather than striking at Zarqawi the administration decided to postpone an attack until after the war began. The reason being they feared that if the attack was successful, their case tying Al Qaeda to Iraq would be fatally undermined and with potentially the cause for war. (I hope the Bergs read the story.) http://slate.com/id/2100549" title="http://slate.com/id/2100549" target="_blank"http://slate.com/id/2100549
The Administration’s one saving grace was the three audio tapes Colin Powell played for UN on February 5 of last year. Continued Iraqi obstinatance and in retrospect governmental incompetence and corruption also helped immensely.
On March 19th of last year the US invaded Iraq with the express purpose of liberating Iraq from itself. Somehow the Neo Conservatives had been able to convince themselves and the media that what the US was doing was akin to the US kicking the Nazis out of France in 1944. Woolsey and Wolfowitz even named a small group of Iraqi ex pats accompanying the American forces the Free Iraqis and up until his arrest the Neo Cons complained bitterly about the CIA not buying into the notion of Chalabi being the second coming of De Gaulle. The CIA should have given their views more credence. Both De Gaulle and Chalabi proved to be a royal pain. (A more accurate historical comparison along the lines the US envisioned would be to have compare Saddam to his hero Stalin and Iraq to Soviet Union in the wake of the German invasion. Many ethnic Ukrainians did, at least at first, view the Nazis as liberators. The comparison breaks down in two respects though, one historical and one practical. The Ukrainians were more like the Kurds than Iraqi Shia. They simply did not identify themselves with their country the way Iraqi Shia do. The second problem is that the Americans did not want to in anyway compare themselves to the, ahem, the Nazis. Incidentally, Pearl’s predication, which turned out to be correct, about the Bath party’s grip on power collapsing shortly after the invasion seems eerily similar to Hitler’s comment that all the Wehrmacht needed to do was to break down the front door and the whole rotten structure would come crashing down.)
The delusional thinking of the Neo Cons immediately got the Americans in trouble. Because he thought he was liberating the country and not occupying it Rumsfeld again did not make killing and capturing military personnel, especially Republican guard members, a priority. (Hitchens, Woolsey and a few others have made this point, but have used euphemistic language in making it. They have said such things as there was no northern hammer to come down on the a south anvil. Once more a few have blamed Turkey for not letting US forces in. Blaming Turkey for inept planning is a minimum just plain silly and is worst just plain spin.) In fact, Rumsfeld said that he preferred the Iraqi forces to just melt away than to have them surrender to US forces. This made the post war situation even worse. As it was, Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz vastly underestimated the number of troops needed to “secure the peace” and secure vast weapons stores throughout the country, let alone in a case where vast majority of Iraqi army had survived the war and where most its soldiers where still in possession of their small arms.
The total absence of post war planning is now readily acknowledged by both sides of the ideological divide and this includes the boys at the Weekly Standard. What is really irksome though is that far from stemming the bleeding many of the stop gap measures made things worse. The whole incident with the Iraqi Museum is a good case in point. Naturally enough the Iraqi Museum and the National Library was seen as something the US must protect once the regime fell. The problem was that instructions to that effect where lost in the black hole known as Douglas Feith’s desk. As result, when looting broke out the local commander, having received no orders to protect anything, decided to protect what he thought was important, viz., the Oil Ministry. He could not have picked a worse building to protect. The political optics where terrible; it played right into the no blood for oil crowd’s hands. To add insult to injury, the information in the Oil Ministry was not of great use to the Americans. Meanwhile, an administration, which is already, not without reason, branded by critics as being anti-intellectual and anti expert, got hammered in the international press for what happened to the National Museum and Library.
Despite all of this, all was not lost for the administration at this point. The war had gone better than many opponents had suggested and many reached out to the US. So, what did the US do? Well, the Pentagon made darn sure that Iraq would not be internationalized. Their first order of business was to proclaim that all the reconstruction goodies would be going to the coalition of the willing thank you very much and that was pretty much ended such talk right there.
By summer it was becoming obvious that WMD would not be found. With that, people started raising questions about the State of the Union address and those now infamous 16 words. In what has become a familiar tactic, the Bushies blamed the CIA for what they admitted should not have made it into the SOU. The CIA stuck it to them and relieved that they had gotten taken out of an October 2002 speech and doing so had talked to Stephen Hadley who is Rice deputy. Joe Wilson, who I will get to in a second, mentioned the communications in a letter to the senate committee looking at the WMD issue. It clear from this that the CIA did not mince their words. “On Oct. 6, 2002, the DCI called the deputy national security advisor directly to outline the CIA's concerns. The DCI testified to the SSCI on July 16, 2003, that he told the deputy national security advisor that the ‘President should not be a fact witness on this issue,’ because his analysts had told him the ‘reporting was weak.’ On Oct. 6, 2002, the CIA sent a second fax to the White House that said, ‘More on why we recommend removing the sentence about procuring uranium oxide from Africa: Three points (1) The evidence is weak. One of the two mines cited by the source as the location of the uranium oxide is flooded. The other mine cited by the source is under the control of the French authorities. (2) The procurement is not particularly significant to Iraq's nuclear ambitions because the Iraqis already have a large stock of uranium oxide in their inventory. And (3) we have shared points one and two with Congress, telling them that the Africa story is overblown and telling them this is one of the two issues where we differed with the British.’” So much for Rice’s claim that only those deep inside the CIA new that information was suspect.
If that was not enough, ex Iraqi ambassador Wilson revealed that he had been sent to Niger by the CIA to check out allegations that Iraq had tried to purchase yellow cake from them, but had found nothing. Even though the CIA sent Wilson at Cheney’s behest, Cheney outrageously claimed that Wilson’s finding had not been reported to him. Good humor. In order to get back at Wilson, one of the Bushies ruined the career of Wilson’s wife by outing her as an undercover agent of the CIA. As such an act is potentially illegal, the CIA had the Justice Department launch a criminal investigation.
Meanwhile the insurgency got progressively worse in Iraq and this all but ended the slim possibility that the international community would send more troops. It did something else as well. As the insurgency worsened it became apparent to one and all that America did not have the wherewithal to overthrow other despots and assume control of those countries. The US was having more than a tough enough time in Iraq; the idea of attacking, say, Iran looked like so much pie in the sky. This should have been readily apparent everyone all along, but it was not. Chomsky, for one, droned about how Iraq was just first of many countries that the US would take out. Having grasped America’s weakness and not believing for a second the administration’s rhetoric over Libya, Iranian hardliners have acted and continue to act boldly. They have more or less openly helped to arm and organize Shia militiamen in Iraq; they have cracked down hard and reformers inside Iran; they have been standoffish towards the International Atomic Energy commission and just recently they seized British soldier’s patrolling in Iraqi waters. Oh yeah, American actions against Sadr and the mess Iraq is in has strengthened the hardliners. (There are two things that should be said about Libya. First negotiations had begun well before the Iraq war. Second, a large shipment of nuclear material headed for Libya was seized well after the War! That is right. The Libyans, knowing the Bushies were in bind, had no qualms about trying to get their hands on nuclear material. http://slate.com/id/2103989" title="http://slate.com/id/2103989" target="_blank"http://slate.com/id/2103989 )
By late summer, Rumsfeld wanted the US to get tougher. Part of this involved a plan to extract more intelligence about insurgents from Iraqi prisoners. Rumsfeld sent Miller from Guantanamo Bay to “Gitmotize” Abu Ghraib. Under Miller’s command the US has been much better at extracting information from Al Qaeda prisoners. What Miller did precisely is not exactly clear. What is clear is that after he left, Abu Ghraib was even more of a mess than it had been before. What appears to have happened is this: private contractors and low ranking intelligence officials, were given more freedom by higher ups, as to how they could handle prisoners. This, coupled with the fact that there was no clear command structure at Abu Ghraib, was taken as sign by the these people that they had carte blanche to do what they wanted with the prisoners. The intelligence guys and private contractors quickly recruited a unit of former traffic cops with no training whatsoever to help soften up prisoners.
Now, although, some members of the media made it out to be a systematic effort by the US to extract information from former insurgency, it is clear now that this was overstating things. The prisoners that where tortured, or if you prefer Rumsfeld’s wording “abused”, were not considered in anyway big fish, nor for that matter were they all insurgents. It has come out recently, that the guy standing on the box was just a common thief.
The way the story broke is just homely. Apparently a whistle blower informed the brass back in January. This prompted an investigation which in turn led to several low ranking privates being brought up for Court Marshall. An uncle of one of these men was angered his nephew had been singled out and that his nephew’s superiors were not going to face justice too. Armed with a bunch of incriminating pictures, this guy’s uncle tired to get the attention of various Senators and Congressman. He failed and so released the pictures to 60 minutes – I guess he must have seen the Insider. (Thanks to the work of his uncle, the private in question, who was probably facing little or no jail time, will no face the full force of the law.)
So, what did the US do to clean up the mess at Abu Ghraib? Well, they sent Miller back in, of course. Needless to say, the optics of such a move are terrible as was all the hype they gave to their decision to tear down Abu Ghraib in the near future. It amazes me how the US took great efforts to remove pictures of Saddam and statues of Saddam, but decided to leave up and worse use one of the places most associated with his rule, viz., Abu Ghraib prison.
Then in May things really took a surreal turn.
“Toward the end of a "Meet the Press" interview with Secretary of State Colin Powell in Jordan, the camera suddenly moved off Powell to a shot of trees in front of the water. "You're off," State Department press aide Emily Miller was heard saying. "I am not off," Powell insisted. "No, they can't use it, they're editing it," Miller said. "He's still asking the questions," Powell said. Miller, a onetime NBC staffer who recently worked for House Majority Leader Tom DeLay, also told Powell: "He was going to go for another five minutes." Undeterred, Russert complained from Washington: "I would hope they would put you back on camera. I don't know who did that." He later said, "I think that was one of your staff, Mr. Secretary. I don't think that's appropriate." As the delay dragged on, Powell ordered: "Emily, get out of the way. Bring the camera back please." Powell's image returned to the screen, and Russert asked his last question. What happened was that both NBC and Fox News were using Jordanian television facilities for back-to-back Powell interviews. Russert was allotted 10 minutes and was asked to wrap when he went over by about two minutes. He said "Finally, Mr. Secretary," but abruptly lost his guest. Russert was still puzzled afterward. "A taxpayer-paid employee interrupted an interview," he said. "Not in the United States of America, that's not supposed to go on. This is attempted news management gone berserk. Secretary Powell was really stand-up. He was a general and took charge." Powell later called the NBC anchor from his plane to apologize for the glitch. State Department spokeswoman Julie Reside disputed Russert's characterization, saying that NBC "went considerably beyond the agreed end time. Other networks were waiting for their interviews and had satellite time booked, and we didn't want to keep them waiting." Asked why he simply didn't edit out the awkward interlude from the taped interview, Russert said: "It's part of the story."
I am no conspiracy theorist, but I have to agree with Russert’s meek characterization of what happened as “news management gone berserk”. Not only did Emily try muzzle/censor the Sectary of Defense she was obviously watching over Powell on the behest of someone quite powerful. Guppies do not attack sharks without the protection of another shark (most likely from the Pentagon, but more on that below.)
Whoever it was, they had reason to want Powell muzzled. Picking up on an earlier quote, indicating that Powell thought that the information he presented before UN was false, Russert asked Powell about the his earlier statement. This is what Powell said. “When I made that presentation in February 2003, it was based on the best information that the Central Intelligence Agency made available to me. We studied it carefully; we looked at the sourcing in the case of the mobile trucks and trains. There was multiple sourcing for that. Unfortunately, that multiple sourcing over time has turned out to be not accurate. And so I'm deeply disappointed. But I'm also comfortable that at the time that I made the presentation, it reflected the collective judgment, the sound judgment of the intelligence community. But it turned out that the sourcing was inaccurate and wrong and in some cases, deliberately misleading. And for that, I am disappointed and I regret it.”
Now, some members of the press have speculated that the reason that Powell did this was to sure up his legacy that was so damaged by his UN speech. Perhaps. However, I do not think that Powell is so selfish as to put his own legacy ahead of the interests of the country. I think Powell’s original comments and the last sentence quoted above is just one more saga in the continuing war between the Pentagon and State Department and the CIA over the reliability of the INC. Powell essentially called INC a bunch of liars. As for that long running war, pace those people who have all but written Powell off, the arrest of some of INC people, the leaked stories about the INC being suspect for some time and decision to no longer fund them is a sure sign that the INC battle is at last over and surprise the State Department and the CIA have all but won.
What has happened since, in terms of the take over, Allawi coming to power and Chalabi’s marginalization, seems to further confirm this.
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| Ted White Goes Down to Defeat |
| 07.05.04 (7:17 pm) [edit] |
What happened in BC election night was that at the same time as Alliance/new Conservative Party lost its status as a Western protest party the Federal NDP partly regained its status as one stopped being weighed down by its provincial brethren. (Some will no doubt take issue with the suggestion that NDP was once upon a time a de facto protest party in BC. However, its raise from 23 percent in the 1974 election to 37 percent in 1988 and its sudden collapse in 1993 when a viable protest party emerged suggests that it was just that.) As a result, for the first time since the 1988 election Federal voters returned to the NDP in droves. Moreover, the unpopularity of the provincial Liberal party and its ideological closeness to Harper and crew probably also played a role. The NDP’s share of the vote went from 11.3% in 2000 to 26.5. On the flip side of things the Alliance/new conservative Party share of the popular vote dropped by 13.7. Liberal support, meanwhile, was about the same as it was last time (27.7 vs. 28.57).
That said, in 3 key Vancouver ridings Liberal support was up substantially. In Burnaby the Liberal share of the popular vote was up by 7.84%. In Vancouver Quadra it was up by 8.57% in North Vancouver it was up by 7.52.
What accounts for the Liberal raise in these ridings? One working hypothesis is that although province wide ex Tory support was scattered all over the place, in these 3 ridings ex Tory supporters seemed to have voted Liberal; this works once you factor in the Robinson factor in Burnaby.
What is more difficult though is explaining just what happened to the Conservative Party in North Vancouver. Indeed, whereas in Burnaby and Vancouver Quadra Alliance support reverted back to where it was at in 1997, in North Vancouver Alliance support was 12.5% lower than it was in 1997. Three explanations seem plausible. One, maybe North Vancouver did a leftward shuffle. Two, perhaps old NDP voters went back to the NDP after years of voting Alliance! Three, maybe it was a combination of the two. This last one seems to me to be the most probable. There are those voters that went back to the NDP. However, there were probably a more than few film people and people of the Iranian decent who did not support Ted White after what he had to say about them.
[b] North Van [/b]1988 1993 1997 2000 2004
[b]Liberals[/b] 27.2, 31.5, 33.7, 32.55, 40.07
[b]Alliance[/b] 8.92, 40.2, 48.9, 50.02, 36.4
[b]NDP[/b] 23.86, 6.4, 9.2, 4.92, 15.8
[b]PC[/b] 37.64, 15.4, 4.9, 7.09, XXX
[b]Greens[/b] xxx xxx xxx xxx 7.29
[b]Other [/b] 2.37, 6.86, 3.09, 5.32, 0.44
[b]Van Q[/b] 1993 1997 2000 2004
[b]Liberals [/b] 39.5, 42.7, 43.81, 52.38 [b]Alliance [/b]22.2, 27.6, 34.47, 26.35 [b]NDP [/b]10.8, 10, 7.04 15.01 [b]PC [/b] 17.4, 17, 9.36, XXX [b]Greens [/b]XXX XXX XXX 5.61 [b]Other [/b]10.33, 3.36, 4.15, 0.65
[b]Burnaby[/b] 1997 2000 2004
[b]Liberals [/b] 26.1, 24.71, 32.55 [b]Alliance [/b] 26.5, 33.42, 27.58 [b]NDP [/b] 43.1, 35.81, 34.62 [b]PC [/b] 3.4, 5.42, XXX [b]Greens [/b] XXX XXX 3.7 [b]Other [/b] 0.9, 0.4, 1.53
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